Musical Artists Capitalizing on Hybrid Identities: A Case Study of Drake the “Authentic” “Black” “Canadian” “Rapper”

Western University

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Musical Artists Capitalizing on Hybrid Identities: A

Case Study of Drake the “Authentic” “Black”

“Canadian” “Rapper”

Amara Pope

Western University

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Stream: Culture/Politics/Technology

2016, Vol 9(1), 3-22

http://journals.sfu.ca/stream

Corresponding Author: Amara Pope (p[email protected])

Musical Artists Capitalizing on Hybrid Identities: A Case Study of

Drake the “Authentic” “Black” “Canadian” “Rapper”

Amara Pope

Department of Media Studies

Western University

Abstract

This study is an exploration of identity politics through an examination of the ways in which musical

artists use the medium of music videos to create marketable, hybrid identities. With the rise of social

media and the online consumption of information, music videos play a central role in global, cultural

flows. I argue that hybrid identities are constructed by musical artists to gain popularity through the

form of ethno-marketing. I include literature surrounding diaspora and hybridity to understand how

hybrid identities become a production of heritage and human capital. By utilizing music videos

specifically to construct their hybrid identities, musical artists are simultaneously enforcing and

being subjected to economic, cultural, and political forms of exploitation. My methodology draws

upon a multimodal discourse analysis (LeVine & Scollon, 2004) which assesses how meaning is made

through the use of multiple modes of communication. I apply multimodality to the construction of

music videos in which musical artists selectively chose particular sounds, images, and lyrics to claim

specific identities. As articulated through the case study of Drake, I examine how the multimodal

affordances of music videos allow artists to transcend borders within the digital age and reach a large

audience. This study examines Drake’s bricolage of complex and intersectional identities and his

unique privilege to choose to identify with different marginal communities. I assess how Drake

capitalizes on shared experiences and struggles of different cultural, national, and class backgrounds

though three of his music videos: “HYFR (Hell Yeah Fuckin’ Right)” (2011), “Started From The Bottom”

(2011), and “Worst Behavior” (2013). Drake alludes to different cultures, locations, and social

identities through these music videos to construct his place as a rapper in the music industry and

articulates a hybrid identity as an “Authentic” Black/ Jewish, American/Canadian, working class

member of society, and high-class rapper.

Keywords: multimodality; music; media; branding; identity politics

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1. Introduction

With the rise of social media and an online consumption of information, music videos play a central

role in global, cultural flows. This paper explores how hybrid identities are constructed by musical

artists through the medium of music videos. I argue that hybrid identities are used as a marketing

strategy for artists to gain popularity through ethno marketing. Primarily, this paper seeks to address

how the musical artist Drake creates a fragmented and hybridized “star image” through the

multimodal affordances of music videos. I draw upon Richard Dyer’s theory of a ‘star image’ (1998)

to explore the conscious construction of a musical artist’s identity in society. I extend this theory to

the creative process of artists constructing hybrid identities in their music videos. By drawing on

literature surrounding hybridity, diaspora, and commercial representations in the media, dynamic

identities in the postmodern era become a production of heritage and human capital.

Through a case study of the musical artist Drake, I evaluate how artists create hybrid identities

and identify with cultural communities. I explore the commodification of Drake’s body in his music

videos as he celebrates ongoing identifications with marginal communities. I determine how the

medium of music videos create shared forms of cultural experiences of racial and class struggles. I

problematize how represented identities in this medium adhere to cultural scripts, while also

signifying a form of empowerment for the artist, through processes of self-branding. I further

examine how the creation of a hybridized star image is an exercise of the artist’s privilege in claiming

different identities. Drake constructs his place as a rapper in the music industry and articulates a

liminal identity as an “Authentic” Black/Jewish, American/Canadian, working class member of

society, and high-class rapper.

Through an analysis of three of Drake’s music videos, “HYFR (Hell Yeah Fuckin’ Right” (2011),

“Started From The Bottom” (2011), and “Worst Behavior” (2013), I assess how Drake uses the

affordances of music videos to construct a hybrid identity. I examine how Drake disrupts the notion

of a fixed identity by identifying with different marginal groups. He uses the medium of music videos

to illustrate his different cultural, national, and class backgrounds. I analyze HYFR (Hell Yeah Fuckin’

Right)” (2011), on race and class; “Started From The Bottom” (2011), on class and nationality; and

“Worst Behavior” (2013), on nationality and race.

My methodology draws upon a multimodal discourse analysis (LeVine & Scollon, 2004) which

determines how meaning is made through the use of multiple modes of communication. By utilizing

music videos specifically to construct their image and hybrid identities, musical artists utilize the

multimodal affordances of music videos by selectively choosing particular sounds, images and words

to construct their identities. I compare three of Drake’s music videos to examine how Drake inhabits

religious, cultural, and racial identities in some music videos while consciously ignoring or even

contradicting these same positions in other music videos.

When applying time-space inherent relationships (Giddens, 1991) to music videos, artists must

be selective in using particular images, sounds and lyrics to create their identities. The multimodality

of music videos allows both fans and critics to share cultural knowledge of a music video in

understandings the song, its lyrics, and the artist’s star image. Through an exploration of the

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affordances of music videos, I examine how online music videos are able to transcend borders within

the digital age and reach a large audience.

I argue that Drake is uniquely privileged to choose when to identify with different marginal

communities. Drake’s personal experiences of oppression and biracial identity allow him to

participate in various racial and religious struggles. By facing similar struggles and various forms of

subjectivity, he legitimizes his place within different marginal groups. The different narrations Drake

constructs in his music videos from a larger bricolage of complex, intersectional identities. Drake has

become a worldwide sensation, deeply rooted in American and Canadian hip hop culture, and is an

exemplary case study to examine how musical artists have the privilege to construct a hybrid identity.

He alludes to different cultures, locations, and social identities through his music videos.

Drake situates himself as a high-class member of society since “Drizzy got the money” (Drake,

2011, Track 2) but also identifies himself as a lower class member of society by “starting from the

bottom” (Drake, 2013, Track 1). In “Energy” (2015), he claims to have “two mortgages” to suggest

that he has two homes, both in Canada and America. His religious affiliations stem from being raised

in both Jewish and Catholic homes and he often conflates issues of race and religion in his music. He

alludes to various religious and racial discrimination he has been subjected to as a biracial member

of society. In “You & The 6” (2015), Drake reflects on being “teased for being black” yet not being

“black enough” as a Western, rapper. Through his lyrics, Drake connects to different communities by

creating shared experiences of belonging as well as feeling ‘othered’.

By taking part in the discourse of identity politics, this paper contributes to the objectification of

bodies in media; hence, I understand both the power musical artists hold in celebrating these hybrid

identities in music videos, and the implications of commodifying these different cultural, national,

and racial identities. I attend to the particular type of work online music videos do in mapping

histories, identities, and experiences of marginalized groups to a global audience. I complicate the

ways in which Drake is able to leverage different identities within his music videos to construct a

hybrid identity.

2. Hybrid Identities

The popular music industry is heavily geared towards consumerism and musical artists have begun

capitalizing on hybridity to appeal to a larger audience. I will define how hybrid identities were used

in this particular study by drawing from the work of Mimi Sheller. Sheller (2003) defines

hybridization as the mixing of identities and cultures in new and different ways. I delineated two

views of hybridization from her study: appropriation and assimilation. Appropriation allows for the

potential increase in creative cultural revival to counter the universalization of culture; however,

through assimilation, we risk losing the distinct and personal nature of culture in the new forms.

Sheller (2003) acknowledges the need for communities to assimilate certain aspects of a dominant

group, to avoid losing entire cultural histories. By seeking symbols of identification, Drake fragments

his position in society and his participation becomes selective within each community. Hence, these

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different aspects of Drake’s identity become so intertwined that they now rely on each other to

function. Hybridity is inescapable and has been fetishized to be capitalized on. Within a postmodern

era, a circulation of ideas, activities and cultural artifacts challenge any sense of purified race and

ethnicity (Kraidy, 2005). Carefully groomed by the media, Drake can provide an insight into the

widely accepted hybridization of society, in the postmodern world, and place social and cultural

values on different cultures and marginalized communities.

Through these music videos, Drake is also able to voice the concerns and shared struggles of the

various marginalized groups that he identifies with. Drake draws from different cultures, locations,

and social identities through his music videos to construct his place in the music industry as well as

establish his star image. Comaroff and Comaroff’s (2009) description of turning tribes into

corporations parallels the process by which Drake capitalizes on his diverse background and creating

an identity-based business. Rather than exoticizing himself to risk the process of being ‘othered’,

Drake loosely identifies with different communities. Every difference is seen as an opportunity for

marketing and consumer consumption. Branding illustrates a specific outlook on the world and

dictates appropriate behaviours and values (Sheth, Maholtra & Arnould, 2011); therefore, Drake’s

popularity is contingent on hybridity in which cultures become intellectual property (Comaroff, John,

& Jean, 2009). This shapes his adoption into communities by representing multiple, culturally

established norms in a non-hierarchical way. Using different forms of ethno marketing, Drake

negotiates his identity by negating complete assimilation to any one culture, nationality, or race. He

creates binaries between different forms of identity, in turn, instilling notions of cultural essentialism.

Hence, the repertoire Drake establishes with each community remains liminal: he identifies with

different communities while remaining marginalized.

I recognize his privilege in being able to choose to identify with these different groups, and also

the tensions that arise in which his body is marked by race, class, and nationality. By being a hip-hop

artist, Drake authenticates his experiences through his lyrics and uses the medium of music and

music videos to articulate a hybrid identity. By tangentially relating to different communities, it

becomes important to not silence or ignore the larger histories that accompany each position. I

acknowledge that struggles faced by different communities should not be homogenized; however, I

argue that many different marginal groups face similar forms of oppression, which makes Drake

more relatable and accessible to a global audience.

Drake highlights how individuals face multiple forms of privileges and oppressions, based on

our own experiences and appearances. He threads together cultural values for economic expansion

and social relevance, within a globalized community. Ideologies are upheld by the majority of the

population to uphold systems of power maintained by the dominant class (Hall, 1973); however,

Drake highlights the power of musical artists to challenge social norms through the medium of music

videos. Kraidy (2005) demonstrates a process of “transculturation” through which Drake identifies

himself as belonging and not belonging to certain communities. By illustrating a creole identity based

on Drake’s “birthplace, ancestry, race, and culture” (Henry & Bankston, 1998), he is able to construct

a hybridized star image in his music videos. He asserts connections to different communities in

relation to the stereotypes that are manifested in Western society. Upon analyzing Drake’s processes

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of self-branding, I argue that his ability to hybridize his identity is weighed down by colonial and

physical manifestations.

By applying Mimi Sheller’s (2003) ideas of exoticism of othered beings, I believe that Drake is

simultaneously a site of consuming and of consumption: his body shapes social relations of national,

racial, and class distinctions. Drake’s music is a form of expression in constructing his public identity

but his music videos rely on iconic cultural symbols (LiPuma 2005), to be understood in a global

context. He alludes to various communities associated with his diverse background but avoids being

completely ‘othered’, as he includes “styles and pleasures” (Blake, 2011) of each group, without

declaring a commitment to one community more than another. By carrying multiple identities within

the media, Drake relates to various cultural traditions and practices without being forced to

assimilate to one or homogenize his entire identity. This tactical organization of his identity enables

Drake to transcend constructed borders of social, racial, and class distinctions. He unifies different

populations under one fan base which become a multitude of people with constructed differences.

The rise of a global culture doesn't mean that consumers share the same tastes or values.

Rather, people in different nations, often with conflicting viewpoints, participate in a shared

conversation, drawing upon shared symbols. One of the key symbols in that conversation is

the global brand (Holt, Quelch & Taylor, 2004, p. 70).

Drake is uniquely positioned to capitalize on these cultural differences to create a “global brand”.

Many people of different social, economic, racial, religious, and cultural backgrounds, who either

adore him or his music, can be grouped together in one fan base or community. In viewing Drake’s

music videos, his fans become part of a community. Using online media platforms, such as YouTube,

viewers can comment, like, dislike the video. Viewers also gain a cultural knowledge of Drake through

the images and sounds used represent his star image in his music video. Members of this particular

community can share this viewing experience and deliberate their interpretations of the video; hence,

viewers form connections through the cultural artifact of the text itself. It fosters online communities

and forms of communication.

3. The Medium of Music Videos

Music videos construct communities while enforcing economic, cultural, and political forms of

exploitation. “If world music has indeed become the soundtrack for globalization, then music is not

merely a manifestation of global processes and dynamics, but is the very terrain on which

globalization is articulated” (White, 2012, p.1): although this statement may be giving too much

agency to music in constructing world order, White demonstrates the potential of music to develop

processes of globalization. White (2012) illustrates how music has become a successful medium in

which global processes, such as the dissemination of ideas and expression of different cultural

lifestyles, are negotiated in society. With the rise of online communication and social media platforms,

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Parks (2007) and Giddens (1991) suggest that the pace of social change is much faster than prior

systems to disseminate music videos across social and geographical boundaries. I apply White’s

notion (2012) to the medium of music videos specifically and to online platforms posted on YouTube.

I argue that the affordances of online music videos allow musical artists to construct hybrid identities,

and disseminate cultural, racial, and class ideologies through processes of globalization. I explore

spaces and processes of othering and power relations in creating both inclusive and exclusive

communities through signifiers in visual, auditory, and textual modes of music videos. The medium

of music videos also allows both fans and critics to participate in decoding Drake’s songs, their lyrics,

his star image, and the wider conversations about race, class, religion and culture.

Many of Drake’s music videos can be seen as a form of modern day “travel journals” (Sheller,

2003) as he includes representations of different places and cultures. Since these images are

mediated and can only articulate particular aspects of people or places, it is similar to that of a

researcher creating travel journals, by including aspects of locations or communities based on their

own perspectives and interests. Drake’s narrated messages in his music videos are constructed in

terms of what topics, images, and lyrics are used to represent a particular star image. Sheller (2003)

discusses text and images involving the objectification of bodies through visualization and places as

editable commodities, for touristic viewing. Music videos are to be consumed by the masses, to sell

the song and construct the star image of the artist. This framing should not only be described through

the voyeuristic gaze but also as a demonstration of strategically constructing one’s own identity in

the sphere of online communication.

The average length of a music video is only a few minutes; hence, Drake challenges viewers to

read these audio-visual texts as short narratives that are indicative of his past experiences. To

understand how these narratives engage with gender, race, and class, viewers must decode the

images, sounds, and lyrics (Hall, 1973). Viewers must follow a particular sequence of images and

sounds, as constructed by editing techniques such as pacing, cutting, close up shots and angles, to

interpret the meaning of the video and the song. I analyze how Drake uses the multimodal

affordances of the music video to construct specific narratives through sounds, images, and objects.

When applying time-space inherent relationships (Giddens, 1991) to music videos, artists must be

selective in using particular ideoscapes and mediascapes (Appadurai, 1990) to create their identities

through a directed message. I apply Appadurai’s (1990) concepts of ideoscapes and mediascapes to

the medium of music videos. Ideoscapes and mediascapes are two or the five factors that contribute

to the global exchange of ideas and information. Each scape presents inherent power relations and

multiple understandings of “realities”. Within each of these dimensions, Appadurai (1990) suggests

that an idea or image changes its context depending on the spectator. “Mediascapes refer both to the

distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information” (Appadurai, 1990,

p.298); hence, mediascapes are used in this study to describe how hybrid identities are affected by

media and communications technologies. I state the complexity of how music videos impact viewers

and create imagined worlds and how they work to construct “ideoscapes” which “are composed

of …ideas, terms and images [and] was constructed with a certain internal logic and presupposed a

certain relationship between reading, representation and the public sphere” (Appadurai, 1990,

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p.299). I argue that Drake’s narration of his economic, social, and cultural positions are problematic

as they present particular contextual conventions.

Online communication platforms like YouTube affects the global circulation of information and

allows messages from music videos to be far-reaching. This platform amplifies the ability of musical

artists to disseminate ideologies surrounding their star images. Hall (1973) describes how power

relations are naturalized through repetitive exposures to signifiers: I apply the concept of signifiers

to the symbols, practices, and locations which Drake uses to construct his star image in his music

videos. In reference to Saussure’s (1916) sign and signified, we have different connotations and

denotations with words and symbols; hence, in choosing to define and generalize concepts in his

music videos Drake works to create a holistic narrative reading.

The multimodal signs in music videos, construct a combination of sounds, images, actions and

objects as signifiers to convey particular ideologies in the construction of race, citizenship, and

authenticity. As with many forms of communication, music videos regulate the global construction of

ideologies by creating circuits of production that control the flows of people, information, and wealth.

More specifically, Drake uses multimodal signifiers to create different levels of social order through

race, class, and nationality within each video and construct representations of shared experiences of

marginalized communities. Musical artists are privileged with the capability to define norms and are

all given the agency and a strong sense of ethos. These power relations become normalized and a

part of everyday life.

4. Politics of Representation in Rap Music

Drake capitalizes on different cultural, national, and class backgrounds by appealing to different

communities through shared experiences. He claims that people “mak[e] stories up 'bout where [he

is] actually from” (Drake, 2015, Track 15). To counter these false representations of his identity in

society, Drake’s music videos offer him a global visibility through the online platform of YouTube.

Drake’s process of self-representation highlights the power and privilege of musical artists to identify

themselves within their music videos and influence ideas surrounding their star image (Dyer, 1998).

Drake’s music videos become forms of expression and promotional tools to construct his hybrid

identity: he anchors himself in ideal notions of race, class, and nationality and claims different

identities through this medium. In an interview with Rap-Up TV, Drake claims: “I feel like I don’t say

enough and people have their own preconceived stories about what I’ve been through” (2013). Hence,

he uses these music videos to have agency in creating his public identity.

Rap has traditionally fetishized authenticity and “keeping it real”. As hip-hop culture has moved

toward a comfortably mainstream center, what does it mean for an artist to be authentic? Artists like

Drake in hip hop and rap music claim to write music based on personal experiences. Rap value is

dependent on “something outside of music, is rooted in the person, the auteur, the community or the

subculture that lies behind it [and] critical judgment means measuring performers' 'truth' to the

experience or feelings they are describing or expressing” (Frith, 1996, p.121). There is a sense of trust

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placed in Drake to represent these positions “authentically”, yet he draws from pre-existing

stereotypes to become more palatable in society.

Drake uses this particular medium of the music video to position himself within the realm of rap

culture. He creates racial, national and economic positions of power, through imagery used in his

music videos. LiPuma (2005) speaks to an urban imaginary, object, and a location, to organize space

through mass mediation, in circulations of persons, goods, money and information. Therefore, a type

of “reality” is formed by overruling ideas of one narrative through media representations of different

racial, national and economic positions in society. This form of totality allows the media to make real

life seem more false: Drake’s increasing reliance on mediascapes and ideoscapes that are familiar

within Western society, are used to legitimate his claims and develop a sense of understanding and

trust with his audience.

5. Problematizing Hybridity

This paper cautions against an uncritical celebration of hybridity. While Drake demonstrates

a sense of empowerment in being able to identify himself, he also illustrates the dependence

on stereotypes and recognizable symbols associated with different communities to be

understood within a globalized context. Hall (1973) claims that representations of the self

are not based on an authenticity but on an altruistic perspective in the way places, people,

and objects are imagined; therefore, these mediascapes and ideoscapes are socially

constructed norms that are shared within communities. Musical artists draw on iconic

symbols and highlight particular aspects of a community in their music videos with signifiers

that are assumed to be recognized by a particular group of people. Within a networked

system, there is a coexistence of many different identities. Drake reinforces pre-existing

ideoscapes and mediascapes to capitalize on his globalized identity. Cultural diversity is used

as a critical tool for management, as he allows himself to be associated with diverse

communities. Mimi Sheller (2003) demonstrates the different shifts in the modes of

consumption in terms of how bodies, commodities, information and images can move and

how they are controlled. Artists are given the power to disseminate their ideas through

music videos as viewers consume these cultural products as entertainment. Often musical

artists are given a sense of ethos and are assumed to be experts on the issues they address

in their music. A sense of responsibility is given to Drake to speak truthfully and accurately

about the life he portrays within this music videos.

I problematize how Drake uses signifiers in his music videos to engage within ideologies

of hybrid identities in the discourse of hip hop music. Without being forced to homogenize

his sense of self, Drake capitalizes on a fragmented identity. Arguably, Drake perpetuates

stereotypes for society to better understand his music videos and lyrics, as well as speak to

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generalizations of different social and cultural groups. Drake “adds to the amount of societal

pressure for young Black men to fulfill damaging stereotypes” (Williams, 2015). Drake gains

social capital as he artistically speaks about communities he identifies with and common

struggles he has faced, through the medium of his music videos. Giddens (1991) discusses

the trust that extends through exchanges between social relations and the risk and dangers

that are associated with them. Similarly, an extended sense of trust is placed on Drake to

authentically represent the different communities he identified with. There is an assumed

“responsibility” in Drake’s construction of his hybrid identity to respectfully facilitate

connections between these different cultures. Through this process, Drake takes aspects

from his different identities and put them in dialogue with one another, or refuses to do so

within and between his different music videos. In the consumption of online information,

Drake is in a position of privilege to disseminate ideas and information about race, class,

nationality, and religion in his music. In order to connect to his fans within different, cultural

communities, Drake speaks about his ‘hybrid’ positions in a manner which effectively points

to their values, norms, and traditions. Drake elevates particular meanings of these ‘identities’

by negotiating them in cyberspace through multimodal affordances of his music videos on

YouTube (Panagakos & Horst, 2006).

6. Music Videos On YouTube

With the rise of social media and proliferation of information, musical artists can effectively utilize

platforms like YouTube to construct their star image in the public eye. Online music videos, as posted

on YouTube, are able to be disseminated across social and geographical boundaries to change social

practices and modes of behaviour. Parks (2007) and Giddens (1991) suggest that the pace of social

change is much faster than prior systems; hence, artists can capitalize on online forms of

communication to proliferate their star images and music videos at a global level. Both Panagakos

and Horst (2006) and Nakamura (2002) acknowledge the process of online consumption of

information and surveillance to uncover power relations through technology. They question who has

the power to disseminate ideas online and trace who consumes what information. Drake is given the

power to selectively use imagery to represent both his star image and marginalized communities,

through images and lyrics in his music videos. It can become problematic to essentialize these

different communities.

Microcosms of symbolic meanings and cultural allusions make locations into assemblages.

Through symbolic categorization, Drake excludes some ideas surrounding a particular culture,

religion, or location in each video, in choosing to focus on particular activities and iconic symbols to

construct his star image. These signs are governed by the artist to create a particular reading of the

video (Hall, 1973). However, I also recognize that these signs are interpreted differently by each

viewer according to their cultural history and knowledge.

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Hall (1973) discusses identity as a series of discursive narratives that remain non-metanarrative.

These binary organization of Drake’s identity defines him as a hybrid which inflicts mechanisms that

construct essential discourses. Based on the selective transplantation and adaptation of patterns and

customs within the different communities Drake identifies with, he creates a type of mediated

identity in his music videos.

A sense of totality is shifting in postmodernity: ideoscapes and mediascapes become

representative but not all encompassing. Solidified senses of identity and place are constantly

shifting. These images of ideoscapes and mediascapes are contained within boundaries of Drake’s

music video to represent different communities; however, these become fragmentations of Drake’s

star image as a whole. These fragmentations create different characterizations of classes, race, and

different experiences or activities of Drake within different situations.

New media’s time/space compression organizes cultural diversity into compartments, to be

better understood and communicated in society (Hannerz, 1996). This time/space compression then

leads to a commodification of difference (Erlmann, 1996) in music videos as juxtapositions of place

and space demonstrate the semiotic frame of the West’s imagined Others. What makes sections

become more representative than others? What is seen as authentic (Cho, 2010), and what aspects

or components make it so? Cho (2010) challenges the idea of “Westernizing” other cultures to make

them more easily integrated or understood in a Western culture. She describes that these processes

of representation fail to authentically represent the appropriated culture. Drake utilizes this

theoretical framework to break down oppositions of us and them: he becomes an embodiment of the

relationship between various types of local and global cultural identities through his hybrid position.

Drake is able to appeal to many people of different cultural backgrounds through his representations

of a fragmented identity. Menkes (2012) explores the processes of branding a country and discusses

what constitutes Africa and the formation of communities one might belong to. A creolization of

different ethnic groups, that hold different value orientations, can be connected through shared

struggles as represented in music culture; however, with intersectional identities, hybridization

creates individuals instead of essentialized communities.

7. HYFR

By analyzing three of Drake’s music videos, I compare and contrast the ways in which Drake

constructs his star image in each video; however, I have identified that “HYRR” has the most dynamic

representation of his star image. Drake creates similarities and disjointed notions between his

religious affiliations to Judaism and his behaviours as a Western, rap artist. Drake establishes himself

within particular communities in his music videos without directly illuminating contradictions

between them. However, Drake puts different his behaviours and values in dialogue with one another

within “HYFR” as a rapper and a member of a Jewish community. Drake shows his fellow rap artists

being disruptive within the context of Drake celebrating his bar mitzvah. Between different videos

and within each video, Drake does not identify himself as belonging to one community over another

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in a hierarchical sense, rather, he creates equal linkages between himself and these different cultures.

In his collective “star image”, Drake establishes a tension between belonging and not belonging to

different communities.

The song “HYFR (Hell Yeah Fuckin’ Right)” (2011) romanticizes a world of excess and alcohol,

drugs and sex-crazed women; yet, the first frame in the music video is actual footage of young Aubrey

(Drake) celebrating his bar mitzvah. During this home-movie clip, as played within the first four

seconds of the music video, a Caucasian relative bends down to ask young Drake if he has anything

to say to the camera and Drake yells “Mazel tov”. This clip aligns Drake with the coming-of-age event

that occurs in the Jewish religion. Conversely, at fifteen seconds into this video, present day ‘Drake’

is seen standing outside an enormous Miami synagogue with his entourage, immediately showcasing

his wealth while creating religious affiliations to Judaism,

Drake uses culturally significant artifacts and is seen conducting historical, Jewish practices:

Drake reads from the Torah with the assistance of a rabbi at twenty-five seconds, and he kisses the

ends of his talis at thirty-eight seconds as he wears a prayer shawl. However, Drake stands

surrounded by fellow, black rappers starting at one minute and forty-five seconds into the video, as

they are dressed in masks, longer jerseys, or are shirtless and drinking and dancing wildly, amongst

people in suits and ties. Drake creates a stark contrast between the appearance and dress of these

different groups of people to emphasize a dichotomy between his life as a member of the Jewish

community and the lifestyle he celebrates as a rap artist. He explores the commonalities between

these two identities through the celebratory act of dancing and consumption of alcohol. Hence, Drake

plays on both stereotypes of upper-class rappers, while also associating himself with strong Jewish

traditions. These scenes relate to a wider audience and promote wealth, partying and fame while

simultaneously speaking to an audience more specifically attuned to Jewish traditions.

Drake compartmentalizes his Jewish and the African roots and his rapper and religious lifestyle

as two separate ontological zones: he constructs his hybrid identity through binary distinctions.

These binaries can be challenged as there are not always clear forms of distinctions between

Canadian and American or Jewish and African values and traditions. Drake establishes his star image

and dramatizes a cultural memory of a particular location and event in his Jewish religious practices.

He capitalizes on the multiplicity of his positions and homogenizes different realms of his identity:

This video might be a personal statement about both the act of self-definition of a bi-racial

and bi-national Jew and the adult process of forming a community that reflects the diversity

of one's inner life (Brenner, 2012).

In previous interviews, Drake has recalled the difficulties he had growing up as a biracial member of

society. While living with his mother in Toronto, he was identified as being “different” in the Jewish

community or being “too black”, and was taunted and called a "schwartze". I recognize Drake’s ability

to name and label himself as biracial and engage in the struggle of racial identity amongst other

people who also face this type of subjugation. During the time spent with his father in Tennessee,

Drake was immersed in a community of black musicians, and seen as “too white”. “By having a biracial

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Jewish hip-hop megastar kiss the Torah in front of millions of fans and affirm the relevance of Jewish

ritual is a significant statement” (Brenner, 2012); hence, some fans may use this music video to form

an even stronger connection to Drake, through his religious affiliations and practices. It can also be

argued that Drake demonstrates issues about race being barricaded behind tropes and stereotypes,

as well as cultural practices. Based on his actions of iconic cultural practices, whether supporting

Drake’s representation of them or not, audiences were able to understand the references he was

making to that particular religion. Drake is able to capitalize on the religious allusions he constructs

in his music videos, as audiences recognize and comment on these videos at the site of which the

video itself is posted.

YouTube users can create discussions around religious allusions that they recognize in the video

on the online page in which the video is presented. Whether or not they agree with the ways in which

the religion and their cultural group are represented, there is a deeper structure in which Drake

creates recognizable affiliations to groups and to cultural and religious artifacts in his video. He

increases his popularity and recognition in the public sphere through his visibility and through the

discussions he generates. This highlights the relevance of ideoscapes and mediascapes in forming

global understandings of places, people, communities, and cultural objects within the particular

medium of the music video.

8. Started from The Bottom

Music videos employ multimodal processes of images and sounds to create an understanding of a

place and space. The music video Started From The Bottom depicts Drake as being wealthy and

successful to contrast images of Drake in a working-class job. Drake claims that the video “was about

the misinterpretation of [him] as a person” in an interview with Rap-Up TV (2013). Drake identifies

this problem in Started From The Bottom and raps that he “just want[s] the credit where it's due” and

that “boys tell stories about the man, say I never struggled, wasn't hungry, yeah, I doubt it…I could

turn your boy into the man…” (Drake, 2013, Track 1): he argues that people speak about his life

without knowing about the struggles he faced. The video includes scenes of him working his way up

to the position of a successful rap artist. He celebrates his accumulation of wealth and positions

himself in the process of meritocracy, in which he climbs the social ladder. This discourse of financial

success is anchored in these symbols of wealth and depiction of a hierarchy of social statuses in this

video. Drake identifies himself as both a low and higher class member of society.

In the music video for Started From The Bottom, Drake surrounds himself in signifiers of wealth

and also depicts himself as a middle-class man. Through the particular order of this narrative, Drake

suggests that he is successful but has worked hard in the past to attain his current, wealthy lifestyle.

The narrative of hard work leads to success is one in which many oppressed groups can identify with.

It can also incite a type of idealistic lifestyle: many minority groups who have started at lower

positions in society, with little economic or social capital, can aspire to be like Drake. Starting at

thirteen seconds and running to twenty-six seconds in the music video, the high angle shot, lighting,

and the use of the colour white, highlights Drake inexpensive looking clothing, standing beside a

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white Bentley convertible. This colour reflects the light and illuminates both Drake and the vehicle

to evoke power and wealth. Drake juxtaposes these images of wealth and power, with scenes of

working in retail, as a shelf stocker in a drugstore (Makarechi 2013). At twenty-eight seconds, Drake

is dressed in what appears to be a Shoppers Drug Mart uniform, wearing a name tag, stocking shelves,

and standing by a cash register. The ordered relations of these signs creates a mapped meaning (Hall

1973) of these images to indicate the artist’s wealth and popularity, to legitimize Drake as a rap artist,

and to suggest shared experiences with the working class members of society.

Drake puts himself into conversation with the struggle of upwards mobility in a capitalist society.

He humorously mocks his workmates and dances through the aisles of the drugstore as he celebrates

his promotion as a manager of the store. Through these particular actions, Drake demonstrates

climbing the social ladder as a working class member of society. This parallels the following scenes

of a more elaborate celebration, in which Drake celebrates his hard earned success as a rap artist.

The narrative in the video dictates his rise to fame and starts with Drake working a mundane job and

later receiving a promotion. These scenes are juxtaposed with images of Drake partying at a bowling

club: he surrounded by alcohol as implied through raised wine glasses and inhales the shisha being

smoked by the many party-goers. Then he takes a private jet across a cityscape to a large mansion

where he continues to party but this time, in a much wealthier location. The music video ends with

him sipping a champagne glass, as he stands alone on the back patio of a mansion to imply he owns

the large home. These scenes are edited to indicate a series of actions, which develop a progression

between a lower class member of society to a higher social and economic position.

This music video imagery that situates Drake in different classes through visual representations

of luxury and the working class society, while anchoring him in Canada. By including a “blizzard” in

the scene of wealth and filming the working class scenes in a “Shoppers Drug Mart” (Krashinsky,

2013) he attempts to show viewers his working class life in Canada. He further links this setting in

the opening scene to an indoor soccer field which has “Toronto Parks and Recreation” written across

it. Karim (2003) explores how national identities are linked to singular ethnic groups, presented

within a specific geographic location, to create a sense of legitimacy. The staging of music videos can

act as a frame for audiences to experience different cultures through a voyeuristic gaze; hence, Drake

offers scenes of Toronto and Canada to viewers and suggests its importance in constructing his

identity in society. By situating himself in particular locations, Drake uses cultural signs to indicate

the importance of this location to his identity, in a narrative form. Conversely, Drake suggests that he

is American in Worst Behavior, while still highlighting this low-class and high-class distinction.

9. Worst Behavior

Worst Behavior is filmed in Memphis to show Drake’s “roots” in the United States, where most of his

father’s family lives. Drake showcases the local shops and restaurants and at two minutes and thirty-

seven seconds, the sign Memphis is displayed. He situates particular actions and messages portrayed

in his music video in Memphis; hence, Drake also focuses on this location as an important factor in

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constructing his identity. Drake uses the medium of a music video to highlight the lower class

community in Memphis. Three seconds into the video, Drake uses imagery of deteriorating buildings

marked by graffiti, to articulate the poverty in Memphis. He uses these signifiers to situate himself

and this narrative as a lower class member of society. At two minutes and fifty-eight seconds, Drake

marches the streets and is followed by a large crowd, to position himself with this community and

convey a sense of inclusivity and belonging to the area. Despite many controversies around the

spelling of “behaviour” in the title of his song, the official video he released uses the American spelling;

hence, Drake uses this language to identify himself as American. Morley (2001) discusses the need

for media, mobility, and power to develop our idea of home: postmodern anxieties reflect a rapidly

changing sense of self, which may increase a desire to constitute a space or place of identity. Hardt

and Negri (2000) describe a “national identity” as a “cultural, integration of identity founded on

biological continuity of blood relationships, a special community of territory, and a legislative

commonality” (p.95): these components create a unified identity. Through Drake’s connection to his

father and to other relatives in Memphis, Drake uses “blood relationships” to signify a sense of

belonging to the racial and class systems that are infused in this location. Drake constructs his

identity with particular ideoscapes and mediascapes of Memphis to constitute relationships with

“homeland” (p.107) ideologies, in legitimizing a certain claim he has to this culture and to the United

States.

Artists undergo processes of musical creolization under conditions of exploitation to enable

consumers to connect to their music and cultural production. Drake creates a cultural identity

through performance in his music videos to be disseminated in a global arena. Drake is often

categorized according to different labels, in relation to his “African-American father and Ashkenazi

Jewish mother” (ETHNIC 2009); hence, music videos reflect his experiences as a hybrid member of

society and situate historical narratives in his music videos. He reclaims his various identities and

cultures through this medium to solidify these different positions which may have “been lost”

(Clifford, 1994, p.307) and disassociated from Drake, through the ways in which he is represented

and consumed in external media. By suggesting “a political framework…in the here and now”

(Clifford, 1994, p.307), Drake positions himself in minority groups which allude to further cultural

and historical memories in terms of race, class, nationality and ethnicity, as situated in Canada and

the United States. He challenges what conditions and racial expertise allow people to claim different

forms of identification. Drake’s position as a rapper allows him to have a sense of ethos and legitimacy

in speaking from his experiences as a biracial member of society. He is able to represent particular

locations based on his biological history and speaks to minority groups whose cultures and practices

he identifies with. Hence, Drake is given the privilege to speak and be heard in a global context,

through his music, with a sense of authenticity

The presupposed levels of nationality within the rap culture are identified by Drake in his music

videos, as he critiques being subjected to racism as a biracial member of society. In Worst Behavior

Drake speaks about his personal history in being disrespected as a biracial rapper in the American

and Canadian hip-hop, music industry; however, by illuminating these forms of oppression, he also

highlights larger issues around racial profiling and draws a wide audience. He raps about self-doubt

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that stemmed from oppressors and aligns himself with injustices faced by many members of the black

community. Hence, Drake directly reflects post-colonial histories (Gilroy, 1993) of racism, but

challenges the notion of race as simply a biological and hierarchical system. By identifying with his

father in this music video and identifying with his mother’s Jewish practices in HYFR Drake places

himself within different communities.

Gilroy’s (1993) construction of ships as mobile elements illustrates the mixing of cultures which

are joined through travels between fixed places. In Worst Behavior, Drake visits Memphis and walks

the streets with large crowds to appear to be included within this cultural group, in this particular

city; yet, Drake has spent most of his time growing up in Toronto with his mother. By having his father

appear in the video itself, Drake symbolically and physically represents his cultural heritage and

racial background within the video to demonstrate how it has shaped his identity today. By alluding

to this particular location, Drake illustrates how he continually adapts to different communities to

participate in wider, cultural communities and global markets; however, he does this by

compartmentalizing his sense of self to fit within previously understood categories of cultural

identities. He is able to connect with Memphis through his father and is further able to reach out to

fans who can connect to this particular location.

Identities are progressively fragmented and absorbed into commercial practice by musical

artists in society, “and from [Drake’s position as a] local artists…how [can he] navigate that sea [of

society] without finding himself back in a figural slave ship of exploitation?” (White, 2012, p.7). Hence,

Drake cannot escape the prejudice of being labeled black or not black enough, nor ever being labeled

fully white. His skin colour becomes a signifier for his identity as situated in the historical prejudices

and forms of oppression faced by biracial members of Western society. Drake has roots within an

African American culture and by drawing on Gilroy’s (1993) discussion about the creation of a

modern “black identity”, Drake demonstrates that no globalization nor identity exists outside of

history with the intermixing of cultures and classes.

Stereotypes of “black bodies” (Fouché, 2013) are essentially drawn from historical articulations

of the position of black people during colonization as a result of white supremacy. Stereotypes based

on historical representations in society (Hall, 1973) and are solidified through the media. With a

constant interplay between appealing to the perceptions of consumers’ and establishing an artists’

authenticity within this industry, I understand music videos as a vehicle for expressing culture but

also a process of actively producing perceptions of locality, forms of difference, and nationality

through performance. Drake draws on stereotypes about members of the “black community” and

people living in Memphis by representing his father and his friends dress in suits, do-rags, and thick

chains. Morley (2001) discusses the need for media, mobility, and power to develop our idea of home

and the presence of postmodern anxieties. With a rapidly changing sense of identity, through

processes of globalization in a postmodern era, it may increase a desire to constitute “home” and

claim a space to represent our identities. These shared feelings of liminality and otherization are

exemplified in the literature about diaspora.

Drake inhibits different communities and draws on specific traditions and practices of each

group; however, this problematizes a solidified identity. Clifford (1994), alludes to a community in

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flux as he describes the “Black Atlantic” as being “British” or “something else” to highlight how

communities shift from a “pure” white collectivized group of people. These othered identities take a

liminal third space in constructing an entity that articulates differences rather than essentialist ideas.

A continuity is created between categorical differences; however, postmodern instability of fluid

identities create mixtures of entirely different phenomena. There is no continuity between different

religions, races, and national identities, but rather a melting pot of these different customs, values,

and traditions in a postmodern society. This diasporic culture works to preserve and recover

traditions through their communities (Gilroy, 1993), similar to Drake who wishes to establish his

position in different cultures and communities. With the increase in rapid exchanges of commodities,

formation of diasporas, and cross-group memberships, hybridity dominates cultural and social

understandings of identity more-so than clearly defined groups. Drake demonstrates both hard

earned wealth and entitlements to money through power, as he symbolizes different positions of

power in the music industry. Appaduri (1990) draws on Benedict Anderson’s “imagined communities”

(1983), constituted by historically situated imaginations of persons and groups, spread across the

world. Diasporic movements demonstrate the process of migrants departing to new places and

struggling to establish their own identity. By speaking to fluid concepts of oneself, Drake is able to

share his experience of not belonging and feeling othered, by paradoxically remaining ambiguous in

fully belonging to any one community, to appeal to different segments of a wider population. The

formation of diasporas overrules previous assumptions about clearly defined group memberships;

hence, forms of hybrid identities are a result from rapid changes in a postmodern world.

10. Postmodern, Hybridized Identities

Is Drake black or white? Is he Jewish or Catholic? Is he Canadian or American? In a modern world,

we would demand that he choose; but in a postmodern world, we can embrace a cultural mosaic of

Drake as an individual, without forcing him to make a choice in claiming one racial or cultural identity?

This willingness to accept contradiction is distinctive of postmodernism diversity. Hardt and Negri

(2000) would argue that a unified, but not homogenized, diversity is desirable. An embrace of

contradictions can result in modern anxieties and a fear of inauthenticity. Drake is an instructive

example of this issue as he is often questioned for being “authentic” and constantly redefines himself

through his music videos. Latour (1993) looks at the postmodern world as indecisive or incomplete,

and the modern world as representing a purification of social meanings. These ideas of essentialism

stifle creativity and hybridity and the ability to overcome suppressed minorities or marginalized

groups. So Drake is seen as both foreign and local? And to whom? Drake is both a product of music

production and a process of cultural negotiations of identity, place, and practices, through uneven

forms of exchange between these different ideologies. He constantly rearticulates and challenges

social norms in his Western culture. Mobility studies support the examination of multicultural

melting pots of postmodern identity politics. According to Hardt and Negri (2000), constantly fluid

processes of interactions take place as a cause of globalization: there is a continual flow of exchanges

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cultural information, values, and norms. Therefore, hybridity has become the process of unification

between many different parties within the system of globalization.

With the rise of technology, music artists are able to generate sociological and economic gains

through cultural pluralism, by transcending geographic and aesthetic barriers. Hybridity can be seen

as a form of resistance by colonized. “Covering” as described by Kraidy (2005), is a process which

American soldiers changed their name to American singers in Europe to avoid othering: similarly,

relates to Drake combines of imitation and adaptation of different cultural communities in his music

videos. Through an arguably superficial process, Drake identifies with different groups; yet, by

sharing his personal struggles, he is able to claim positions in different communities. We can examine

these videos to determine the ways in which his body is marked and read in society. He accumulates

different positions within society by further identifying cultural practices and norms from different

communities; however, he fails to commit to one “pure” identity across his music videos. With the

rise of cultural integration, in a postmodern world, one must question if there are ever “pure” forms

to be retrieved. In being selective, however, Drake represents certain aspects of religious, cultural,

national, and racial identities which may become essentializing of minority groups and create a

seemingly contradictory, totalizing “star image”.

In “Rebranding Africa” (2012), Menkes shows the use of particular “images of beauty and grace”

far removed from “violence and poverty” to choose a specific representation of Africa. This process

creates ideoscapes and mediascapes that mask rather than restructure the culture. Music videos are

effective ways of getting ideas out, but they become a commodity rather than a weapon for class and

race struggle. This form of masking a culture (Menkes 2012), by changing their representations in

the media, may demonstrate Drake’s lack of authenticity in holding solidified positions within

different cultures; however, with identities in a continual flux in the postmodern world, do these

changes in media reflect an authentic, continually changing identity of Drake as a Black/ Jewish,

American/Canadian, working class member of society, and high-class rapper?

11. Conclusion

Through processes of globalization in a postmodern era, there is an increasing shift to understand

identity as hybridized and fluid. Drake embraces and neglects different racial, class, cultural and

religious identities within and between his music videos to construct a hybridized star image. Drake

demonstrates the senses of inclusivity formed through an identification with different communities

and labels, as fixed within actions, symbols, and objects in his music videos. Through different

narratives in each video, Drake diminishes the need to fully commit to one identity over another, in

a hierarchical sense of importance in ranking these different positions he holds. His star image

becomes a large promotional tool in which he is able to identify with many groups through his

experiences of various forms of oppression. Drake is able to rap about these personal experiences

which legitimizes his position in the hip-hop music industry itself.

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I address issues power relations in attending to different forms of cultural, racial, and religious

identities. I recognize Drake’s privilege in being able to choose to identify with different communities

and the severity of freely expressing these compartmentalized senses of self, through the medium of

music videos. This privilege is not shared by all members of the marginal groups he participates with

and attempts to represent in his music videos. I recognize the hostility that may be faced in a fluid

engagement and disengagement with different communities, which could potentially be more violent

to someone without this privilege. I also understand the paradox in which Drake uses essentialist

ideas, through signifiers in his music videos to construct a hybrid identity and speak about his

experiences through the discourse of hip hop and rap music.

Whether as an economic ploy, a social critique, or simply a form of expression, Drake embodies

the struggles of many minority communities and constructs a postmodern, hybrid identity. He is

forced to compartmentalize his sense of self in different music videos, based on his use of signifiers

to represent different communities, practices, locations, and cultures. These signifiers become

representative of his hybridized star image in a globalized world. Drake retains the ability to relate

but not complete assimilate to these different communities. He demonstrates the postmodern

construction of an intersectional identity within discourses of race, class, and nationality. Drake

demonstrates a form of empowerment by embracing different social, political, and racial labels as

cultivated through affordances of his online music videos.

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